Amid the intellectual and political transformations unfolding in the Arab region, there is an increasing need to deconstruct the rhetoric of extremist groups, understand their roots, and analyze their methods of expansion—especially with the rapid evolution of digital technologies and recruitment tools.
In this context, ALSahafi conducted an in-depth interview with Egyptian researcher and expert on political Islam, Maher Farghaly, who has extensive experience monitoring the evolution of jihadist organizations and the broader dynamics of political Islam in the region.
The discussion tackled the appeal of jihadist narratives, the development of digital recruitment techniques, the failure of political Islam, the security situation in the Sahel and Sahara region, and the West’s double standards in addressing such phenomena. Farghaly also offered a critical perspective on the role of the media in countering extremism and delivered a direct message to Arab youth searching for meaning in an unpredictable world.
Alsahafi: In your view, what draws some youth today to jihadist ideologies, despite their evident violence and internal contradictions
Maher Farghaly: Warm greetings. There are many factors. First and foremost is the discourse used by these organizations, which is compelling due to slogans such as jihad, establishing the caliphate, and enforcing absent Sharia law. Secondly, after the ideological stage comes the action plan, which these groups implement in their communities. This starts with personal connections and da’wah (preaching), gradually recruiting followers by any means available—including providing public services in areas where they gain a foothold, even if only a small circle of active members with shared behaviors and goals. Thirdly, they exploit political and economic conditions, raising slogans about major causes such as liberating Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa. But the most critical reason is the absence of a counter-narrative that deconstructs and exposes the falsity and weakness of these methods.
Alsahafi: From your observation, how have extremist groups developed their media and digital recruitment tools? Can traditional religious discourse alone counter them
Maher Farghaly: Absolutely. There has been an extraordinary evolution in the tools used by political Islamist groups. Social media platforms, being cheap and accessible, have encouraged not only individuals with extremist leanings to connect and interact, but also entire networks to coordinate and grow. These groups now rely heavily on digital media. Social media has become a key tool for recruiting new members—bypassing traditional steps like initial attraction and da’wah, which were typically carried out in mosques, Islamic charities, cultural centers, universities, and religious events.
With advancements in generative AI, they can now produce content, texts, images, audio, and video that simulate multiple roles. This presents new challenges for those trying to counter these technologies, which are used for propaganda—one of the main tools of extremist groups. Generative AI allows them to amplify their messaging efficiently and tailor it for specific targets, spreading hate speech and radical ideologies.
Alsahafi: The Arab region has witnessed the collapse of political Islam projects over the past two decades, particularly after the Muslim Brotherhood’s failure in Egypt. Was this failure intellectual or a result of poor political management
Maher Farghaly: It wasn’t just intellectual. There were many causes. Chief among them was the inability of these groups to transition from operating as movements to managing state affairs. Political Islam carried within it the seeds of its own structural and strategic failure: internal divisions, overconfidence in street power, political inexperience, alliances with violent factions, and operating both secretly and publicly. These organizations were nurtured in opposition and criticism, with no real experience in governance or state management. Their continued animosity toward ruling authorities bred an inherent hostility toward state institutions. One major reason for failure was also their inability to deliver on utopian promises and to present real social and economic solutions beyond the hollow slogan “Islam is the solution.”
Alsahafi: How do you assess the state of political Islam movements in North Africa, particularly in Algeria
Maher Farghaly: The condition of political Islam in North Africa is not isolated from the broader regional context. These movements continue to repeat the same strategic and ideological errors. They fail to shift from a confrontational mindset to one of coexistence. They haven’t embraced inclusive politics or moved beyond secrecy, elitism, identity politics, and an obsession with takfir (excommunication). They have not culturally or socially transitioned toward the higher objectives of Sharia, nor have they addressed citizens’ real concerns or shifted from protest to constructive political participation.
Alsahafi: Based on your research, is there potential for meaningful ideological revision within jihadist groups, or are such revisions purely tactical
Maher Farghaly: Deep revisions are possible—but only if these groups reconsider their position relative to the state. Are they part of the state, or do they see themselves above it? As long as they see themselves as separate from both state and society, any attempt at revision is doomed. Past efforts in Egypt and Libya were incomplete. Some revisions denounced armed conflict but kept the same ideas; others selectively revised religious beliefs. After the Arab Spring, many of them reverted to their earlier positions.
Alsahafi: How would you evaluate the security situation in the Sahel and Sahara region? Did the retreat of ISIS and al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq shift the epicenter of jihadist activity to this area
Maher Farghaly: The situation is extremely complex. The decline of ISIS and al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq isn’t the sole reason for the Sahel becoming a hotbed. There are multiple factors: the spread of activist Salafism, collaboration between jihadist groups and criminal networks, protection of fugitives, difficult terrain, incitement of sectarian tensions, foreign intervention, and the proliferation of ethnic self-defense militias (e.g., Fulani, Bambara, Dogon, Mossi). All of these have contributed to the expansion of extremism in the region.
Alsahafi: Do you believe the West still deals with political Islam with double standards? Does this approach fuel extremism instead of containing it
Maher Farghaly: Yes, absolutely. The West’s double standards are evident—for example, in the French report on the Muslim Brotherhood’s spread in Europe. It blamed Arab world dictatorships for forcing these groups into Europe, and called for regime change as a solution. This shows a flawed and superficial understanding of the issue. The West often seeks to use political Islam as a card in its relations with Arab regimes.
Alsahafi: What role can analytical media platforms like “As-Sahafi” play in dismantling extremist narratives? What advice would you give to media practitioners in this field
Maher Farghaly: The media has a major role in countering extremism. Unfortunately, our media suffers from a lack of strategy and editorial policy. A platform like As-Sahafi—which works to deconstruct extremist discourse—is a shining light in the darkness. My advice: keep going with this important mission, and deeply understand these groups’ ideas in order to confront them effectively.
Alsahafi: Finally, what message would you like to send to Arab youth searching for meaning or a spiritual/intellectual project in these uncertain times
Maher Farghaly: My advice to youth: be aware of the true purpose behind these groups. They go beyond religion; they serve political agendas aimed at destabilizing states for foreign interests. Embrace moderate religious thought and stay away from violent extremism.
We thank Mr. Maher Farghaly once again for his generous participation. If any question is deemed inappropriate or inconvenient, we kindly remind our guests they are always welcome to skip or request its removal.